I, a “Gentile”. a “never Mormon”, a never will be Mormon or member of any other organised religion (though I like silent Quakerism and primitive Buddhism), like to dip my toes into the waters of the Mormon Stories podcast (and other LDS social media casts) on YouTube now and again. After all, I have been a student of Mormonism for some thirty years now and even wrote a book on the history of Mormon Studies, a book published a few years back, a book that is uses Mormonism to explore social and cultural theory. I am typically interested in episodes of the podcast because the show generally deals with interesting topics ranging from Mormon history to Mormon controversies to ethnographies of how I lost my Mormon (or other religious) testimony even if I am not interested in all of these issues equally.
The show, which began in 2005, is hosted by John Dehlin who has a doctorate from Utah State University in clinical and counselling psychology and who has worked in the software development field as well as in the counselling or therapeutic psychology field. Dehlin, who was excommunicated from the LDS Church in 2015 because of his very public explorations of Mormon faith crises and his criticisms of Church policies including its position on the LBGTQ community, is, to some extent, the Dick Cavett of the Mormon podcast world if Cavett was a therapeutic psychologist. That, the therapeutic approach, is the both the plus of the show—Dehlin knows how to ask questions sometimes probing questions in a friendly and nom-threatening sort of way—and the negative of the show—Dehlin seems to have limited knowledge of the approach other social science disciplines including history take to religious groups, organisations, and bureaucracies.
Dehlin's limited knowledge of other social scientific approaches to religious organisations becomes particularly apparent to the educated viewer with a high degree of social science cultural capital when he talks about “cults” on his show. The most developed typology of religious organisations is that which has evolved in the academic discipline of sociology. Contemporary sociology, thanks to scholars like Max Weber and others like Rodney Stark (someone who has extensively studied Mormonism) and William Bainbridge, has a four fold typology of religious organisations: church, denomination, sect, and cult, a typology that is broader and more comparative than the use of Christian oriented religious terminology would at first seem. In this typology a church is a religious group, institution, organisation, or bureaucracy that dominates its religious environment (think Mormonism in Utah, Orthodox Christianity in Tsarist Russia, or Hinduism in India); a denomination is a religious group, institution, organisation, or bureaucracy that coexists with others in a religious environment without an official theocratic religious organisation or bureaucracy (think religious groups in the United States); a sect is a break-off from a church or a denomination (think Baptists in Britain); and a cult is a new religious group emanating generally from a charismatic figure (think Mormonism, Islam, the Bahai Faith, or Buddhism) or an old religious organisation in a new hostile cultural environment (think Buddhism in the US in the 19th century).
For Dehlin (and many of his fellow travellers), on the other hand, a cult is a high demand religion and for Dehlin high demand religions are sometimes if not often if not generally abusive whether this high demand religion is the Mormon faith, Scientology, Christian fundamentalism, or the Two by Twos, the subject of a recent podcast on Mormon Stories. The problem with this definition, one closer to a sensationalistic journalistic one rather than the sociological one, is that it can be if not inherently is normative. It is grounded in a notion that some religious organisations are normal and thus can be or are healthy while others, the deviant ones, are unhealthy and hazardous to human physical and mental health. Additionally, such a definition is grounded in organic structural functionalism. It assumes that what is normal or should be normal in individuals is normal or should be normal in organisations. As such, it is ahistorical and aethnographic if not anti-ethnographic in that it assumes that normal is the same in every time and in every place. It, in other words, ignores the empirical fact of cultural relativism, that normal and deviant have changed over time and across space. It turns some forms of religions into normal forms and other into abnormal, psychopathic, sociopathic abnormal forms ignoring the fact that all forms of organised religion share a culture that is ultimately grounded in fictions. Whether these fictions are “good" is an open question. I give you clearly empirically challenged virulent White nationalist Christianity in the US and theocratic inquisitions. It creates a normal religion that becomes, for the therapeutically or normatively oriented, a model of a good faith, a good theocratic faith. Whether theocratic faiths are ever fully “good” is an open question. Finally, it makes religion something other than a reflection of human beings who created them and who are themselves deeply fallible making organisations, which can take on a life of their own in time, fetishised, in the sociological sense, forms.
Now don't get me wrong, I am not arguing that religion or any other social or cultural phenomenon is not potentially hazardous and hazardous to human health. Clearly human theocratic and human authoritarian religion and human wars, for instance, have been hazardous to human health, mental and physical, across time and space, the emphasis on human here. I am simply arguing that one cannot argue that one religious organisation is normal and others are not without grounding that perception in empirical reality first. I am arguing that before one can engage in normative analysis, theologising or social ethical analysis if you will, about religion that analysis must first be grounded in description, in this case it must be grounded in the sociological and historical typology of religious organisations. That is something Dehlin repeatedly does not do.
Another blind spot Dehlin has concerns power. Max Weber, of course, delineated three forms of power: charismatic power, the power grounded in a charismatic individual like Joseph Smith, an individual who was or is often regarded as having a special relationship with the divine, however the divine is defined; patrimonial/patriarchal power, power grounded in kinship and kingship, in tradition, in other words; and rational bureaucratic power, power grounded, in other words, in one's position in a modern and postmodern bureaucracy. As should be clear, the first form of power has often been and often is central to new religious movements which are often if not generally highly demanding when they begin. Over time such religions, if they survive, which is not likely, develop into organisations, organisations grounded in and on patrimonial/patriarchal forms of power and bureaucratic forms of power.
Again don’t get me wrong, I really enjoy the Mormon Stories podcasts hosted by John Dehlin and I like that podcasts like Mormon Stories bring a critical edge to the conversation about religion, one that helps many escape what they feel are dangerous religious cages. I simply wish the show was grounded in a more descriptive conception of religious organisations and power than a normative and less interrogated one. Here’s hoping that one day...